2004年5月6日 HPI研究フォーラム
講師 飯島みどり（立教大学法学部助教授）、ダニエル・エルナンデス（写真家）
1. テーマ
「内戦後の社会における『平和』とは――グアテマラの事例から」
2. 日時
2004年5月6日（木） 18:30～20:30
3. 場所
広島平和研究所 会議室
4. 講演の概要
ラテンアメリカの特徴を示す言葉に「内戦」がある。それは体制と反体制、とりわけ軍政と反軍政勢力との厳しい対峙（たいじ）を意味し、体制側が圧倒的優位に立つ「不均衡な戦争」の様相を呈する。では、内戦終結は即座に平和をもたらすのか。講師はこの根本的な問題を、グアテマラを事例に分析した。
グアテマラにおける左翼ゲリラと政府軍との内戦は、1996年に終結を迎えるまで30年余りの長期にわたって継続した。その結果、20万人を超える死者と難民15万人以上を出したといわれる。政府軍は、特に1978年から83年にかけて激しいゲリラ掃討作戦を遂行し、例えばキチェ県など中西部では、440村落が村ごと焼き払われた。犠牲者の大半はマヤ系先住民であった。
この内戦の複雑さは、政治的なイデオロギー対立に人種差別（先住民に対する侮蔑）が絡む点に起因する。軍はゲリラ鎮圧のために先住民を徴用して自警団（PAC）を組織させ、自警団員も自身のコンプレックスを克服すべく「同胞」を殺害するなど人権侵害の担い手となった。それゆえ、グアテマラでは家族内でも敵・味方の関係が珍しくない。
国連の仲介を受けて1996年末、政府・ゲリラ間で和平合意が成立、内戦が終結した。和平協定は、内戦中の人権侵害や暴力的行為の真相究明と、国民和解に向けた勧告、報告書の公表をうたっている。これに基づき、国連の協力のもと翌年7月から真相究明委員会（CEH）が始動したが、軍部が影響力を行使するとの予想から、被害者の間に期待感を生まなかった。
カトリック教会を中心とする「歴史的記憶の回復プロジェクト（REMHI／レミー）」による調査報告書がCEH報告書に先立つこと1年前に発表されたのは、かかる被害者感情を踏まえ、CEH報告書の形骸化を防ごうとの配慮があった。レミーは、和平交渉過程に積極的仲介役を果たしたカトリック教会の先導により、同じ被害を受けた同じ境遇にある者同士が、お互いの体験を語り合う形をとりながら、「恐る恐る」進められた。
1998年4月、和平合意から1年余り後にレミー報告書が公表された。けれども、その2日後にレミーの代表を務めたフアン・ヘラルディ司教が惨殺され、グアテマラ社会に強い衝撃を与える。「実行犯」は逮捕されたものの、真相はいまだ不明であり、和平が司法・立法・行政プロセスの改善に結びついていない現実を露呈させた。同時に、この事件は、不正の解明や責任追及を阻む「免罪の構造」が国内に存在することをも浮き彫りにした。
内戦後のグアテマラ社会には、過去を不問に付したまま民主主義を強化していく方が得策との見方と、同じ過ちを繰り返させないためには真相究明が必須という、2つの考えが存在する。過去の扱いをめぐる対立が今、新たな形での「内戦」をグアテマラに生み出している。このことは、たとえ和平合意に達しても、長年の内戦で分裂した社会を修復し、平和を実現することが、いかに困難を伴う課題であるかを示唆していよう。
飯島報告に続き、内戦犠牲者の遺体発掘調査に立ち会ってきた元AP通信員で写真家のダニエル・エルナンデス－サラサール氏が、写真や映像を交えながら、今もグアテマラ社会を律する恐怖の実相を紹介した。
（永井均 広島平和研究所助手）
HPI Research Forum on May 6, 2004
What Does "Peace" Mean in a Post-Civil War Society?: The Case of Guatemala
By Midori Iijima, Associate Professor in Latin American Studies at Rikkyo University, and Daniel Hernández-Salazar, Photographer
1. Topic
"What Does 'Peace' Mean in a Post-Civil War Society?: The Case of Guatemala"
2. Date and Time
May 6, 2004, 18:30-20:30
3. Venue
HPI Conference Room
4. Abstract of the forum
"Civil War" is the phrase that accurately describes a certain "Latin Americaness." The term refers to a bitter confrontation between a regime and an anti-regime force, especially between military governments and their opposition. "Civil War" often takes the form of an "unbalanced war" in which the regime side has overwhelming power to mobilize all resources against the anti-regime forces. Now, does the end of such a conflict immediately bring peace to the society? In this presentation, the speaker analyzes this important question, through a typical case of Guatemala.
In Guatemala an internal war was fought between left-wing guerrillas and government forces for over 30 years ending in 1996. It is believed that this war left more than 200,000 dead and displaced more than 150,000 civilians, turning them into refugees. In the worst period (1978-1983), the army carried out ruthless counterinsurgency (and even civilian-targeted) operations in the central-western highlands of the country where 440 villages were burned to the ground. Most of the victims of these assaults were rural Mayan civilians who lived in departments with predominantly indigenous population, such as Quiche.
The complexity of this prolonged war stems from the fact that racial discrimination in this society has compounded and intensified a political/ideological confrontation. The army drafted members of the indigenous population and had them organized into groups called the Civil Self-Defense Patrols (PAC) in rural communities. Members of the PACs, assigned the task of persecuting the guerrillas and sympathizers, killed even their own neighbors in order to survive and overcome their own inferiority complex. They were thus in charge of executing human rights violations planned by the army. As a result, it is not unusual to find members of the same family on both sides of the conflict in Guatemala.
At the end of 1996, the Peace Accords were concluded between the Guatemalan government and the guerrilla organization under U.N. auspices, bringing the war to an end. The Peace Accords stipulate, among other things: 1) a thorough investigation be carried out about alleged human rights violations and massacres committed during the conflict, 2) recommendations be formulated for national reconciliation, and 3) an investigation report be published. Based on these stipulations, the Historical Clarification Commission (CEH) began operations in cooperation with the U.N. in July 1997. Victims of the conflict were, however, far from hopeful about the results, predicting that the military would exercise considerable influence over the Commission's work.
In consideration of the feelings of this nature held by many victims, the Recovery of Historical Memory project (REMHI) released a report based on the findings of its own investigations one year earlier than the CEH did, so as to prevent the latter from publishing a hollow and meaningless "report." REMHI was led by the Catholic Church who had played an active role in the negotiations of the peace process. During the course of the investigations, which proceeded in a "climate of terror," those who shared similar experiences of suffering under similar circumstances gave their testimonies to each other.
The REMHI report was released in April 1998. Two days later, Bishop Juan Gerardi, the representative of the project, was brutally assassinated, in spite of the passage of a dozen months or so after the signing of the Peace Accords. The murder frightened the fragile civil society of the country and although "perpetrators" of the crime were subsequently arrested, the truth about who was really responsible for the crime remains unknown. The incident proved that peace-building efforts in Guatemala have not led to significant improvements in the judiciary, legislature or executive of the country. Furthermore, it has highlighted the persistence of a "structural impunity," which impedes investigations and the attribution of responsibility for injustices and political crimes.
Two competing views exist about the priority action that post-civil war society like Guatemala should take: one view holds that it is better to concentrate first on establishing democracy, which would in effect grant impunity to human rights violators, rather than raking up past wrongs, while the other holds that it is essential to uncover the truth about the past wrongs not to repeat the same mistakes. This confrontation over the better way to deal with the past continues to split Guatemalan society as much as the war itself. This shows how difficult it is to rebuild a society torn apart by civil war and to achieve genuine peace even after "peace" has been signed on paper.
Following Professor Iijima's presentation, Mr. Daniel Hernández-Salazar, a photographer and former Associated Press correspondent who observed many excavations of civil war victims' remains in Guatemala, presented photos and film that depict the reality of the horrors that continue to dominate Guatemalan society today.
(By Hitoshi Nagai, research associate at HPI)
5. Profile of Midori Iijima
Associate professor of Faculty of Law and Politics at Rikkyo University, Tokyo.
Sept. 1992 Ph.D. Candidate with course work finished, Department of Area Studies, Division of International & Interdisciplinary Studies, The University of Tokyo, Tokyo.
October 1992, Lecturer, Faculty of General Education, Gifu University, Gifu.
October 1988- Nov.1990 Special assistant to the Embassy of Japan in Panama, Panama City, Republic of Panama.
She translated Memory of Ethnocide in Guatemala, Iwanami Shoten, 2000.
6. Profile of Daniel Hernández-Salazar
Photographer, born in Guatemala City on June 30, 1956.
1987-1992 Photographer-correspondent for the Associated Press (AP)
1986 Photographer-correspondent for Reuters
Recent Expositions and Activities
2003 "Memoria de un Angel, 2003" ("Memory of an Angel, 2003")
2001 Appearance and collaboration in a documentary film "La palabra desenterrada" ("Haunted Land") directed by Mary Ellen Davis (Canada/Guatemala, 2001, 74 min.)